An analysis of the magazine Wartha
It has already been mentioned that one of the strange aspects about Wartha is that it is called ‘news for Indians in Germany’ as well as the repeated claim by the editor that the magazine is the mouthpiece of the Indian community, while the contents and the form of presentation, in particular the use of Malayalam and the focus on Christianity, clearly indicate that the real target group are only the Malayalis and their families. As earlier mentioned this could be explained by some outside constraints which make it necessary to fake a more general audience in order to make the allocation of finances justifiable. If this was the only reason, however, there would be no necessity to go beyond some statements in the aim of the magazine and in its title, then general references to Indians, when actually only Malayalis are meant, would not be necessary within the articles. But if one looks closely at Wartha one sees that almost always either the term Indians or Indian Christians is used and thus in some form a claim for pan-Indianness is made. Reading the magazine one gets the impression that Malayalis are the only Indians in Germany, one hears almost nothing of the other established Indians and even less of the numerous asylum seekers. Malayalis are the proper representatives of India and India is more or less shrunk to Kerala. This view seems to be also conveyed whenever, as is presented to happen often, the Malayalis in Germany approach an Indian politician about the grievances of the Indians in Germany.
This image that is created, on the one hand, increases the importance of Kerala and takes it out of its marginal position in India, on the other hand, it constructs an idea of homogeneity and importance for the Malayalis in Germany. By repeatedly being told so, the migrants will believe this construction and can thus convey it also to interested Germans who have little knowledge of India and Indians in Germany. Furthermore, the identification of Kerala with India is passed on to the second generation. They grow up believing that the whole of India is like Kerala and are quite shocked when this image is destroyed by an outsider.
One major concern of most Indians in Germany is the image, or rather parts of the image, of their country of origin created in the German media and prevalent in public opinion. This is one of a poverty ridden country with lots of sick people in slums, starving because they are not eating the sacred cow and at the same time maltreating their wives and the untouchables. This misery is, however, made lighter by the spiritual character of the Indians, their peacefulness and acceptance of their destiny as personalised in Mahatma Gandhi and Mother Theresa. It is the equating of India with poverty and backward social practices that the Indians in Germany reject and to this they react by emphasising the achievements of a modern but traditional India. Exactly this aim seems also to be underlying the concept of Wartha, which in particular for the benefit of the second generation strives to paint a ‘realistic’ positive image of their parents’ home country, rather than joining in the NGOs approach of dealing only with problems. Thus one repeatedly finds references to the greatest democracy of the world, to the tolerance as exemplified by the Indian constitution, to a rich cultural heritage and economic progress.
At the same time, however, as parts of the German stereotype of India are tried to be refuted other parts are, probably without conscious effort, strengthened. On the one hand the editor repeatedly takes a superior position when commenting on Indian ‘stupidities’ such as the renaming of Indian cities and thus both anticipates a typical ‘German’ reaction as well as giving an idea of the superiority of Western over Indian reasoning. On the other hand the positive features of the presented positive image of India very much resemble the positive German stereotypes of India. The manner in which the Malayali community in Germany is described in Wartha and also the pictures used present an exotic image of a peaceful people retaining their traditions and thus being superior to the German material world. This picture is put together through the press clippings of German newspapers which have titles like „Geheimnisse der schwarzen Augen“ or „Zauber des Tempeltanzes“ , by the own usage of phrases like
"Nicht nur die erste Generation, sondern auch die Mädchen, die in Deutschland geboren sind, entdecken den traditionellen Sari als interessante und exotische Kleidung der Frauen." (1995, No. 3, 28)
and in particular by the amount of pictures in any issue of Wartha which show a ‘traditional’ cheerful Indian women. Most of these emphasises on the exoticness of Indianness do not naturally follow the course of the topic, but are rather added deliberately in order to create just this picture. It seems that the magazine must not only assure the Germans of these achievements of India but also and in particular the Malayali community itself. The constant use of the picture of the traditional Indian woman makes only sense if one considers it as standing for the ideal of traditional India. It certainly is not very representative for the Malayali women in Germany in her everyday life, as a picture illustrating that would show a nurse working hard in a hospital.
This mirroring and internalising of German stereotypes, as long as one considers them positive, seems to be very successful. The Malayali community seems to believe in them and as the following quote shows they also successfully encourage them among Germans.
"Die Fröhlichkeit und Gelassenheit der Menschen trotz großer Armut und Probleme waren für die meisten der Besucher aus Deutschland überraschend." (1996, No. 1, 26)
While believing to oppose the German categorisation of India and Indians, the Malayali community, in fact, seems to be adopting just those and to act from within them.
The extensive coverage of the Malayali community in Wartha basically moves along two strands of images. On the one hand the achievements of members of the community are praised, on the other hand it is emphasised how much unrewarded sacrifice the nurses have born for Germany. It is stated how they have faced toil and frustration for the benefit of sick people and how nobody takes account of this.
"Genau vor 30 Jahren wurden die ersten Krankenpflegeschülerinnen von Kerala nach Deutschland geholt, um die Personalnot zu lindern. Viele dieser Mädchen leben heute mit ihren Familien in verschiedenen Städten der Republik von Behörden und der Öffentlichkeit ignoriert und vergessen. Sie sind alleingelassen mit ihren Familien und Problemen. Schlimm genug, daß sie auf der Straße als „Asylanten“ angesehen werden. Eine bittere Erfahrung nach 30 Jahren Dienst an den Kranken und alten Menschen dieser Gesellschaft." (1991, No. 3, 1)
By this kind of accounts Wartha creates an image of martyrdom for a good cause. The argument is not that the Malayalis should be treated better in Germany, because they are human beings but because they are ‘good’ people. They should not be confused with the other or rather the real foreigners, who are a burden for the state and the society. Malayalis are something different, they are a benefit for Germany. Thus it is important, also for strengthening the own self-esteem, to emphasise all the achievements of members of the community and Wartha is the place for this. As already mentioned it is full with praises of the successes of individual Malayalis. Mostly these are in fields related to community issues such as sports and culture, but if there is a press clipping about another field of success it is also included. Thus, for example, an article is included about a Malayali woman who is active in an Ausländerbeirat (1995, No. 1, 50). It seems that she is mentioned in Wartha not so much because there is an interest in her work, as otherwise their could be more coverage of this kind of issue, but because she is the head of the committee. One gets the impression that one of the main aims of the magazine is to show the community’s, and the editor’s, proximity to the famous and powerful. In fact, any actor, artist or politician who comes from Indian, in particular naturally from Kerala, seems to be contacted and invited to some event in order for an inclusion of a picture with him or her in the next issue of Wartha.
The kind of image presented of the Malayali community in Wartha seems to indicate that its members’ main aim is to gain recognition in the German society. For this purpose they emphasise their difference from the unwanted foreigners, their belonging to the German middle class and their achievements. As Wartha is hardly read by majority Germans this image cannot be constructed so much for them as for the community itself, so that its members gain the self-confidence to live according to it and to present it to the outside world.
As mentioned at the beginning one major aim pursued by publishing Wartha and
organising the Kerala Meelas is to cater for the perceived needs of the second
generation and thus it is not surprising that it is omnipresent in virtually all
issues. The topic dealt with are again twofold, dealing on the one hand with the
perceived identity problems created by growing up in Germany and on the other
hand it are again all kinds of achievements which find a prominent place in the
magazine.
It seems that parents bring any success of their children to the notice of
Wartha and that the editor is willing to publish basically every press clipping
send to him. The major part of these report extra-ordinary achievements in the
field of Indian classical dance, many pages with numerous illustrations are
dedicated to document these, especially so as the German press seems to eagerly
report on these exotic performances. The large number of promising young dancers
suggests that many parents from early on put a lot of effort, time and money
into their daughters’ (and in a few cases also son’s) dance education, that this
is one of the done things in the Malayali community. The question to be raised
then is whether it is really a success of the child or rather, at least to a
large extent, one of the ambitions of the parents. Wartha certainly hardly ever
forgets to mention also the happy mother and father as well as the latters’ own
artistic skill. But it is not only young dancers, who are covered by the
magazine, whoever from the second generation is able to enter the press somehow
or gets some kind of price will be praised. Given the gained publicity it is not
important whether the achievement has been reached in something ‘traditionally
Indian’ or not. There was, for example, an extensive coverage of a young boy in
the town of Cologne, who successfully entered the highest circle of a local
custom by becoming Kinderkarnevalsprinz and thus showed that his parent’s
managed to get integrated in the local middle class. Academic success, as it is
generally less illustrious, does not attain the same interest in Wartha, but
will nonetheless be mentioned such as in the case of a student who got a price
for developing a traffic concept. For the success of a sports team to be
mentioned it is sufficient that one of its members belongs to the Malayali
community and one can bring many more such examples. The fact that only the
success is of interest and that there, in most cases, is no real interest in the
field in which it was achieved is best illustrated by the following article
which accompanies an illustration of a smiling young Indian boy holding a bowl
in front of a village scene:
"Ein bekanntes Gesicht auf dem diesjährigen Misereor-Plakat!
Die Fastenaktion der deutschen Bischöfe für die Entwicklungsaufgaben in der „Dritten Welt“ ist angelaufen. An sich nichts besonderes, wenn nicht dieses süße, fröhliche Gesicht des Jungen auf dem Poster nicht wäre! Dieser Junge heißt Niko Puthusserry aus Brühl, der uns allen gut bekannt ist. Er ist oft Gast bei den Kerala Tagungen in Hopsten und erfreut mit seinen musikalischen Darbietungen (Violine) die Zuschauer immer wieder.
Niko Puthussery ist Schüler der 2. Klasse der Sankt Francis Schule in Brühl. Misereor suchte in einem „Wettbewerb“, an dem viele Kinder teilnahmen, Niko für diese Spendenaktion aus. Niko ist zweiter Sohn von Jose und Mary Puthusserry, die regelmäßig mit großem Engagement an unseren Veranstaltungen mitwirken." (1996, No.1, 11)
The attention focuses on Niko’s success in a competition, on his and his parents link to the community and on his musical talents. The topic of the poster is not discussed at all and this although in a different context just this poster could give rise to much resentment in the Malayali community as it uses the stereotypes of hunger and poverty in order to collect money. But in this case the pride about the success of a member of the community neutralises the concern for the image of their country of origin. This absolute focus on the person rather than on the issue is characteristic for all reports on successes of the second generation. Not the children and what they do is important, but the recognition they earn for their parents and the community.
The parents are, however, not only interested in their children’s achievements, they are also deeply concerned with what they perceive as the second generation’s identity crisis. The migrants believe that being brought up in an alien environment the children loose the link to their roots and thus to their parents’ norms and values. The second generation is Germanised, lacks orientation in life and thus needs help and guidance. The latter is offered in the form of information about India and its customs, in particular during the Kerala Meelas. The seminars, furthermore, give the parents the possibility to discuss their perception of their children’s problems and give the second generation the opportunity to voice their opinion in front of all participants. According to what I have been told about the seminars in Hopsten they, however, do not provide an atmosphere where the children would dare to openly talk about their views, in particular when they challenge the believes of the migrant generation. In fact, such an openness must always be difficult when the own parents and all their friends are in the audience and thus there is an emotional tension, where any criticism is likely to be taken personally and a detached discussion of the issue is impossible. It is, thus, not very likely that the parents will really get an accurate impression of the second generation’s own evaluation of its ‘problems’. Especially so as most of the latter’s members are very skilled in living two lifes, one known to their parents adhering sufficiently to the norms of the community and another outside of the home using to differing degrees the freedoms of the German society. All the references to the second generation’s identity crisis in Wartha thus much more reflect the fears of the parents than the actual problems.
Accordingly, while there seems to be much concern for the second generation in Wartha, on a closer look it seems rather hollow as it is not embedded in a process of communication. All the coverage, in fact, gives more insight into the parents’ view of things and their identity problems than into those of their children.
The analysis so far has discussed the images of the Malayali community in Germany created in Wartha. If one considers what kind of pictures other community magazines, such as Meine Welt, present to the public or what issues are discussed in the bigger German ethnic minority groups, as for example the Turkish, it becomes apparent that Wartha’s presentation has some major gaps. Some of these will be discussed in the following.
First of all, it has to be repeated that the majority of articles in Wartha focus on describing a person’s involvement in an issue rather than the issue itself. There seems to be little interest in discussing topics as such, with the definite exception of religion on which there are very often in-depth articles, which shows how important Christianity is for the community. The occasional more discursive article on some other topics is not sufficient to alter the overall impression. The lack, for example, of a discussion about the play a Malayali theatre is performing and what intentions the actors pursue with it, rather than a mere mentioning of it being really successful illustrates that for the community it is not so important what is done as that something is done. Community spirit is created, by for example extensively reporting on the Kerala Meelas focusing on showing the people who were there rather than the topics they discussed, and this gives some security for all its members, recognition is awarded and this reassures the people. Living in a still strange environment in which the individual is unsure about his or her own role and status it seems to be more important to be seen as an appreciated individual who is part of a bigger group than to convey some abstract idea.
Secondly, there is a virtual absence of everything that is not closely related to Wartha and things that are not representing the Malayali community in their pure form. The focus on events organised by the Diözesanbildungswerk is to some degree understandable as it is clearly stated that the magazine is among other things a forum for making advertisement for the own work and this stands in the way of reporting on potential competitors. Thus the Indo-German Society and its events do not figure at all in Wartha, although many Malayalis are actively involved in it. Even though, however, this might be considered legitimate it leads to a biased view of the Malayali community being conveyed by the magazine. It, furthermore, gives the reader the impression that the nurses and their families are the only Indians in Germany. Whoever has only Wartha as a source of information and does not question its pan-Indian claim will be irritated to know that although the Malayalis form the best organised community they only form a small part of the Indian population in Germany. This is true not only for German readers but also for the Malayali readers who can imagine themselves to be, if not the sole, than at least the most important representatives of their country of origin in their host country. Nothing can challenge the created image and nothing should. That is may be also the reason why although there is an extensive coverage of every Kerala Meela and there is much advertisement for the seminars for bi-cultural families there is hardly ever a report about any of these. It might be that although the community sees the need for such specialised meetings, it does not want to have this heterogeneity in itself be emphasised too much. The image of homogeneity and belonging has to be kept.
Thirdly, there is a definite lack of everyday life in Wartha. The reference to the sacrifice for the benefit of the sick and old is made, but it is not discussed how this actually manifests itself. Passing references to frustration and stress are made, but these are not taken up as an issue of interest to the whole community. There are many pictures of women in saris performing classical dances but not one of a nurse doing her work. There can be two explanations for this. On the one hand the aim can be to create a positive image of happy people embedded in their culture and too much references to the problems of everyday life might destroy this. On the other hand the reason might be that there is a Malayali community only in the private sphere. In the public, in particular, at work the nurses try to assimilate, attempt to be as German as possible. In private, however, they are longing for their Indianness. To some extent they live it in their private homes and families by, for example, cooking Indian food or watching Malayali films. But given the pressures of everyday life the German environment can, nonetheless, enter into their family sphere. Only in the presence of other Malayalis it is thus possible to feel really a Malayali, it needs the mutual confirmation of this fact. Accordingly, it makes sense that Wartha concentrates on that aspect of life and almost totally ignores the public predominantly German sphere.
Finally, the scanty treatment of ethnic minority issues is striking. There is once in a while an explanation of a change in law or a discussion of some multicultural topic, but this is negligible considering that during the 90s xenophobia in Germany got much publicity and was widely discussed with many ethnic minority groups formulating demands. All this is as good as absent in Wartha, there is only the occasional complaint that the Malayalis are not treated as good as they should be and that it is not fair to be regarded the same as other foreigners. In fact, there seems to be no solidarity with other ethnic minorities, all efforts seem to be focused on pleasing the majority. In order to do this it seems Wartha is despite everything trying to deny the own otherness, negating that Malayalis are after all perceived as foreigners in Germany and thus face many of the discriminations faced by others, especially the more hidden and structural discriminations. For themselves and for the Germans Wartha is constructing the picture of the well integrated community which does not have to deal with ethnic minority issues as it is not affected by them.
1. Introduction
1.1. The 'Malayali Community' in Germany
1.2. The state of research in 1998
2. The magazine Wartha
2.1. The concept of Wartha
2.2. Whose views are represented in Wartha
2.3. The major event in the 'Malayali community' - The Kerala
Meela
2.4. Pattern of contents
© Urmila Goel, urmila.de / english or Desis in Deutschland/ Malayalees / Wartha 1998/2007