Almost two thirds of the respondents had either two Indian or two Pakistani parents. Almost all of them had been born in Germany, in the case of the others the mothers had gone to their countries of origin only for the birth, thus hardly any of the respondents had lived for a considerable time period in South Asia. Interesting for the analysis is the fact that with respect to citizenship a whole spectrum, from those still living with the Indian citizenship to some who were even born with German passport was covered. The different time of acquisition of the German citizenship is used below as a classification criterion.
Among those who still have the Indian citizenship, the youngest being 15 and the oldest 28, and having no concrete plans to apply for German citizenship, it is interesting to note that none classified him- or herself simply as Indian. All emphasised that their identity was more complex than that, including also many German parts. They acknowledged that naturalisation would have practical advantages, but these were not seen as a sufficient incentive, in particular as so far it had always been possible to resolve problems also with the foreign citizenship. The major reason for not applying for the German passport was the consequent loss of the Indian one and thus the threat of losing part of one's identity. This was the feeling also of those who would at other moments emphasise that a passport is only a piece of paper without implications for one's identity. For many, keeping the Indian citizenship was also a sign of defiance against a Germany which had repeatedly othered them. One of the respondents, much more politically active than most of the others, explicitly mentioned that she would stick to her passport for political reasons both in Germany and India. On the one hand her aim is to make the German authorities notice that there is a problem to tackle and she is willing to bear the consequences of this. On the other hand as she is also politically active in India, she wants to prevent the possibility of the authorities restricting her right of entry to that country. This, however, is possible for her only by keeping the Indian citizenship as as a German citizen she would need to apply for a visa for India. Including her all see the solution to their problems, as they are aware that it is disadvantageous to be a legal foreigner in your country of residence, in the granting of dual nationality. This would make it possible to have the practical advantages of German citizenship without having to give up the Indian identity, and it would be seen as a signal that the German state is willing to accept second generation migrants as permanent part of the country.
Some of the respondents with Indian citizenship had also concrete plans about naturalisation. A few did not put this into practice so far because they do not see any pressure and inertia prevents them from acting. The others were still struggling because, although they saw the practical advantages of the act, they were also fearing the loss of identity (or in one case want to avoid military service). Thus also for them the option of dual nationality could be the trigger for actually applying for German citizenship. Interestingly one of the respondents gave besides occupational advantages as major reason for his decision to naturalise the human rights situation in India and the greater reliability of German embassies abroad in securing their citizen's rights and security.
The respondents in the sample, who were naturalised due to their own application, exhibit similar sentiments as the two former groups. They would classify themselves neither just as Indians or just as Germans but rather as something mixed. The incentive for the application was for all a mixture of rational reasoning and a feeling of belonging to Germany, while the degree of mixture was very different among them, with some respondents being at either end of the spectrum. Common to all was a fear of loss linked to renouncing the Indian citizenship, thus also for them the option of dual nationality would have made things easier. One said she would never have applied had she not wanted the protection of the German embassy in India in case her parents fixed an arranged marriage against her will. Interestingly for basically all respondents the acquisition of German citizenship meant also a move towards Germany in the sense of feeling more linked to and involved with the country. One respondent who became German solely for rational reasons and formerly showed strong anti-German feelings, is now much more aware of her own German parts and the necessity to acknowledge them.
A few respondents were naturalised together with siblings and their mother, it was thus not due to their own incentive that they got the German citizenship. All of them, again, saw themselves best described with a mixed identity. The naturalisation was accepted for practical reasons, but they would have preferred dual nationality rather than giving up their Indian passport. Similar arguments were given by the majority of those who were naturalised together with their whole families at a time when they were at least 12 years old. They primarily saw the whole business as functional, providing practical advantages and being separate from identity issues. They would have liked to have a dual nationality, but it was not particularly important to them. One respondent said he would always be and feel Indian, the German passport was just a measure to gain certain legal advantages. Only two respondents differed from this general response; both felt highly emotional about their naturalisation. One was against it from the beginning, as she did not want to be a German and felt much closer to India, she is even considering to take her Indian citizenship back. The other was very much in favour of the application and is content with her German citizenship. Both said that they had no interest whatsoever in dual nationality as their identity was sufficiently represented with one. The respondent who felt very Indian said that two citizenships would only confuse her.
Among those who were naturalised with their families there were also a few who had both citizenships until the age of 16 or 18. All of them not only found their parents' decision for naturalisation but also the dual nationality positive. Although they would have preferred to stick to both, it was, however, not very hard for them to renounce the Indian citizenship once they had reached the age of decision. One respondent was, nonetheless, very dissatisfied with being forced to decide at the age of 16 years, an age he found, where one is not yet interested enough and the parents will decide for one.
For those who were naturalised with their family below the age of ten years, the act as such was no important topic. Most would have welcomed dual nationality, but did not feel deeply about it. They generally had no strong emotions about the issue and saw no problem in defining themselves as something different than German although they had that citizenship. There was only one exception to this attitude: one respondent disliked anything Indian so much that she was happy to be rid of the legal link and saw herself as fully German. This is a rather unusual attitude, which is not even shared by the one respondent who was already born with German citizenship due to her father's earlier naturalisation. Because of othering by her environment she felt different from other Germans, and out of defiance against their attitudes wanted a dual nationality in order not only to experience the disadvantages of living in a bicultural world. Nonetheless she was quite happy with her German citizenship.
Common to basically all respondents was that they were not able and/or willing to offer a definite self-definition. When pressed most would, however, tend a bit more to their Indian part as their skin colour was perceived as a permanent marker for their otherness in Germany. Arguments for naturalisation were generally functional and practical, emphasising the advantages for travelling, studying and employment. The improved freedom of movement among the members of the Schengen agreement is today seen as one practical reason less to naturalise, in fact some respondents said that had they known about this change in advance, they might not have changed their citizenship. German citizenship was seen by some, furthermore, as a potential safeguard in case of increased anti-foreigner policies in Germany and others perceived it as a safeguard in India. The German citizenship was in general equated with a sense of security, particularly in Germany. It was also quite apparent that most respondents focused solely on the German situation when speaking to me. This was most clear in the question of dual nationality, where basically all argued against the German government and felt far less strong about the Indian government's refusal to allow it. This can be seen as an indicator that at the centre of their interest is Germany and the happenings there; about which they feel deeply. South Asia is more a symbol for their identity and their family connection than something real which affects their everyday life. Because of this split between symbol and rationality, dual nationality has so much appeal to most respondents. It would mean that they did not have to choose between mother and father, as one respondent said. Due to the constant struggle between identity and rationality, an application for naturalisation is often put off for a long time. The incentive to do something usually comes through a trigger from outside, such as a change in the law or some person urging them to act. Similarly for young men the perspective of having to do military service or its social alternative seems to be used as a simple reason to put off the disliked decision.